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CHAPTER
50
Dynamics and processes in personality
change interventions
Nathan W. Hudson
Department of Psychology, Southern Methodist University, Dallas, TX, United States
OUTLINE
Dynamics and processes in personality Can people volitionally change? 1285
change interventions 1274 Volitional change interventions 1287
What are personality traits? 1274 Future directions 1290
Can personality traits change? 1275 What is the nature of intervention-driven
The social investment hypothesis 1275 personality change? 1290
Sociogenomic theory 1277 What factors promote successful
interventions? 1291
Interventions to change personality traits 1278 Can nonvolitional interventions work? 1292
Empirical evidence for personality change Conclusion 1292
via intervention 1282
Volitional personality change interventions 1283 References 1293
Do people want to change their personality
traits? 1284
Abstract translateintoimprovementsinrelevantlifeoutcomes.
Although this is a fledgling area of research, initial
Personality traits predict a wide array of critically empirical evidence provides a promising prognosis
important life outcomes. Moreover, a large body of for active attempts to change personality traits. This
research suggests that personality traits can and do chapter overviews modern theories and empirical
change in response to psychological maturation and data on (1) how and why personality is thought to
life experiences. However, psychologists have only naturalistically change across time, and (2) whether
recently taken interest in whether personality traits interventions might be able to successfully change
might also be able to be changed via intervention— people’s traits. Future research directions are
and whether intervention-driven trait changes can discussed.
The Handbook of Personality Dynamics and Processes 1273 #2021Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-813995-0.00050-9
1274 50. Personality change interventions
patterns of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors;
Keywords
Adult personality development, Volitional personal- abilities, preferences, motives, and goals; and
ity change, Change goals, Personality change inter- evenpersonal style, such as distinctive manner-
ventions, Sociogenomic theory, Social investment isms(e.g.,“grandmaalwayshasaplateoffresh-
hypothesis bakedcookieswaitingwhenwevisit”)ortypical
ways of narrating their own life stories (e.g.,
McAdams & Pals, 2006; Roberts & Wood,
Dynamics and processes in personality 2006). Personality traits, in contrast, are one of
change interventions themanynarrowersubcomponentsofpersonal-
ity and refer specifically to people’s abstractly
Personality traits predict a broad array of crit- construed, relatively enduring patterns of
ically important life outcomes, including health, thoughts, feelings, and behaviors that are
well-being, the quality of one’s relationships, expressedinfunctionallyconsistentwaysacross
success in one’s career, and even mortality (for differentsituations(Roberts,2009).Forexample,
´ theBigFivepersonalitydimensionofagreeable-
an overview, see Ozer & Benet-Martınez, 2006;
Roberts, Kuncel, Shiner, Caspi, & Goldberg, ness represents the abstract propensity to
2007). Given their importance in potentially con- behaveinakind,tenderhearted,modestfashion
tributing to such a wide variety of positive life (Goldberg, 1993). This basic tendency toward
outcomes,researchershavenaturallytakeninter- warmth and relationship promotion, however,
est in whether and how personality traits change may manifest in dramatically different ways
(e.g., Lucas & Donnellan, 2011; Soto, John, across different situations. For example,
Gosling, & Potter, 2011). To that end, although Allport (1961) mused that an agreeable
manystudies over the course of several decades American traveling across Europe would likely
have found that personality traits naturalistically quicklylearnthatbelchingaftermealsisapolite
change as a function of circumstances or age expression of satisfaction in some cultures and
(e.g., Hudson & Roberts, 2016; Hudson, an offensive gesture in others—and the agree-
Roberts, & Lodi-Smith, 2012; Lehnart, Neyer, & able traveler would most certainly adapt his/
Eccles, 2010; Lucas & Donnellan, 2011; Soto her behavior in different countries accordingly.
et al., 2011), researchershaveonlyrecentlybegun Thus, traits such as agreeableness do not repre-
to study the extent to which active attempts to sent patterns of concrete thoughts, feelings, and
directlychangepersonalitytraitsviaintervention behaviors (e.g., the concrete behavior of belch-
might be plausible (e.g., Hennecke, Bleidorn, ing after meals)—but they rather represent the
Denissen, & Wood, 2014; Hudson & Fraley, abstract functions that dynamically guide
2015; Magidson, Roberts, Collado-Rodriguez, & thoughts, feelings, and behaviors, such as
Lejuez, 2012). The purpose of this chapter is to expressing politeness, consideration, and kind-
overview theory and empirical findings from ness in whatever manner is appropriate in par-
the emerging literature on interventions explic- ticular situations.
itly designed to change personality traits. From a research perspective, traits are a par-
ticularly compelling component of personality.
For one, traits appear to be the naturalistic
What are personality traits? waythatevenlaypersonsintuitivelyunderstand
and talk about personality (Goldberg, 1993).
Onthebroadestlevel, personality refers to the Moreover, traits represent an extremely useful
myriadofwaysthatindividuals candiffer from moderate level of abstraction—they are not too
oneanother—includinginterms oftheir typical specific and situationally constrained so as to
IV. Applications
Can personality traits change? 1275
represent minute “trivia” regarding a person’s The social investment hypothesis
thoughts, feelings, and behavior; but they are Beyond biological maturation, the normative
also not so general as to lack predictive ability developmental patterns observed in personality
(Funder, 1991). Indeed, personality traits have traits(e.g.,mostpeoplebecomemoreemotionally
been shown to predict important life stable with age) may also be attributable to com-
outcomes—such as occupational attainment, monly shared life experiences (Roberts et al.,
divorce,andmortality—equallyaswellassocio- 2008). Specifically, according to the social invest-
economic status or even cognitive ability ment hypothesis, most societies prescribe that
(Roberts et al., 2007). young adults should invest in a specific series
of culturally predefined social roles as they pro-
gress through life (Helson, Kwan, John, &
Can personality traits change? Jones, 2002; Hutteman, Hennecke, Orth,
Reitz, & Specht, 2014; Lodi-Smith & Roberts,
Given that personality traits predict a wide 2007). For example, as they age, most young
array of critical life outcomes, psychologists adults in Western cultures commit to careers,
have strived to understand the extent to which romanticrelationships,andeventuallygenerative
traits change across time—perhaps motivated roles, suchasparenthoodorcaringforagingpar-
by the presumption that trait change may ents. Acquisition of these roles is normative, and
precipitate changes in relevant life outcomes. thosewhodonotcommittothemfrequentlyface
To that end, a large body of research has found immensepressurefromfamily,peers,andsociety
that personality traits can and do change. todoso(e.g.,Barber&Axinn,1998).Forinstance,
For example, meta-analyses reveal that as peo- single adults often field probing questions and
ple get older, they tend to become more commentary from family and friends regarding
agreeable, conscientious, and emotionally stable their plans and efforts (or lack thereof) to
(Roberts & Mroczek, 2008; Roberts, Walton, & marry. Similarly, childless couples may experi-
Viechtbauer, 2006). These normative patterns ence pressure from their parents to produce
of personality trait development are thought to grandchildren.
occur for at least two reasons. First, personality Importantly, these culturally prescribed social
traits are believed to mature in biologically pre- roles entail specific behavioral norms—and suc-
determined ways, analogous to physical matu- cessfully committing to social roles requires
ration (McCrae et al., 1999; Roberts, Wood, & individualstoacceptandinternalizethosenorms
Caspi, 2008). Supporting this notion, twin stud- (Wood & Roberts, 2006). For instance, success-
ies have found that the ways in which people’s fully committing to a career requires one to
personality traits change across time are par- behave in conscientious manners—being punc-
tially heritable (Bleidorn, Kandler, Riemann, tual, producinghigh-qualitywork,andresponsi-
Angleitner, & Spinath, 2009; Briley & Tucker- bly managing one’s duties (e.g., Judge, Higgins,
Drob, 2014). In other words, monozygotic (i.e., Thoresen,&Barrick,1999).Thesocialinvestment
identical) twins, who share 100% of their genes, hypothesis states that, over time, the norms and
tendtoexperiencemoresimilarchangesintheir demands associated with one’s social roles
personality traits across time than do dizygotic become internalized and coalesce into enduring
(i.e., fraternal) twins, who share an average of personality trait change.
50%oftheirgeneticvariation.Thissuggeststhat This internalization is thought to occur for
genetics partially shape the ways that personal- multiple reasons. For one, individuals incorpo-
ity develops across time. rate important social roles into their identities
IV. Applications
1276 50. Personality change interventions
(e.g., Lodi-Smith & Roberts, 2007). This shift in In sum, social roles tend to shape people’s
identity may influence individuals’ internal thoughts, feelings, and behaviors over time—
behavioral standards and lead them to strive which can eventually coalesce into personality
to pull their thoughts, feelings, and behavior trait change. Consequently, the fact that most
in alignment with the ideals and norms associ- people become more conscientious with age,
ated with their new roles (e.g., Burke, 2006). for example, may be partially driven by the fact
For example, someone who views his/her pro- that most people invest in careers during young
fession as central to his/her identity may strive adulthoodandinvestinginacareerisassociated
to be the “best employee possible”—which withincreasesinconscientiousness.Empirically
would entail engaging in more numerous con- supporting these ideas, as can be seen in Fig. 1,
scientious thoughts, feelings, and behaviors studies have found that committing to one’s
(e.g., being punctual, being thorough and dili- career is, in fact, associated with growth in
gent to excel in one’s work). Similarly, a man agreeableness and conscientiousness over the
whoseidentityisdeeplyembeddedinhisfamily course of several years (Hudson et al., 2012;
mayfocushiseffortsonbeinga“goodhusband” Hudson&Roberts,2016).Conversely,deinvest-
and “good father,” which would naturally ing in (i.e., withdrawing from) one’s career is
require him to engage in agreeable (e.g., loving, associated with losses in conscientiousness
sensitive, kind) and conscientious (e.g., respon- across time (Hudson & Roberts, 2016; Roberts,
sible, dutiful) thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. Walton, Bogg, & Caspi, 2006). Similarly, com-
In sum, accepting, internalizing, and striving to mitting to romantic partnerships, one’s commu-
excel in one’s social roles may create strong nity, and generative roles such as caring for
intrapsychic presses to change thoughts, feel- childrenoragingparentsmayalsofostergrowth
ings, and behaviors. in traits such as agreeableness, conscientious-
Asanonmutuallyexclusivealternative,froma ness, and emotional stability (e.g., Lehnart
more behavioristic perspective, social roles can et al., 2010; Lodi-Smith & Roberts, 2007).
serve as strong, consistent external presses for Importantly, as these studies illustrate, the
certain thoughts, feelings, and behaviors—and social investment hypothesis not only explains
changes to thoughts, feelings, and behaviors normativetrendsinpersonality(e.g.,mostpeople
maybedriven by basic reinforcement and pun- become more conscientious with age)—it also
ishmentprocesses.Forinstance,workplacestend provides an explanation for why individual dif-
toreinforceconscientiousbehaviors(e.g.,respon- ferences in personality development occur. It is
sibility,producinghighqualitywork)withpraise the people who invest most strongly in their
andpromotions; and workplaces tend to punish careers,forexample,thatexperiencethegreatest
nonconscientious behaviors (e.g., shoddy work- growth in conscientiousness across time
manship,tardiness)withstagnantsalaries,repri- (Hudson et al., 2012; Hudson & Roberts, 2016).
mands,andperhapseventermination.Similarly, College students who smoke marijuana
in the domain of family roles, romantic partners regularly—andthusarepresumablymorelikely
or children may reinforce kind, considerate, lov- to engage in stereotypical nonconscientious
ing, and responsible behaviors (e.g., with expres- behaviors associated with marijuana culture—
sions of gratitude and reciprocity) and punish tend to experience relative declines in conscien-
selfish, inconsiderate, irresponsible ones (e.g., tiousness across time (Roberts & Bogg, 2004).
with conflict and discord). Thus, in addition to Similarly, individuals who invest in romantic
intrapsychic forces, social roles may provide relationships experience greater growth in emo-
strong external pressures that also shape tional stability, as compared with their peers
thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. who remain single—perhaps due to receiving
IV. Applications
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